C-Archief 2021-2025

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Ook Schoof en Orbán reageren op uitslag, Netanyahu welkom in Duitsland - NRC
Ook Schoof en Orbán reageren op uitslag, Netanyahu welkom in Duitsland - NRC
Premier Dick Schoof heeft CDU/CSU-leider Friedrich Merz zondag gefeliciteerd met zijn overwinning bij de Duitse verkiezingen, dat laat Schoof weten via X. „Ik zie ernaar uit om de al zeer hechte banden tussen onze landen als goede buren met hem en zijn nog te vormen regering voort te zetten”, zegt Schoof. De Hongaarse premier Viktor Orbán richt zijn felicitaties aan Alice Weidel, die de…
·nrc.nl·
Ook Schoof en Orbán reageren op uitslag, Netanyahu welkom in Duitsland - NRC
Merz: 'We must achieve independence from the USA'
Merz: 'We must achieve independence from the USA'
Germany's new chancellor emerged from yesterday's election sounding like Charles de Gaulle, and the final vote count gives hope he could form a stable two-party government soon.
·davekeating.substack.com·
Merz: 'We must achieve independence from the USA'
Wet weerbaarheid kritieke entiteiten.
Wet weerbaarheid kritieke entiteiten.
Adviezen over Cyberbeveiligingswet en Wet weerbaarheid kritieke entiteitenDe Afdeling advisering van de Raad van State heeft op 19 februari 2025 adviezen vastgesteld over de voorstellen voor de Cyberbeveiligingswet en de Wet weerbaarheid kritieke entiteiten. Beide adviezen zijn op 24 februari 2025 gepubliceerd op de website van de Raad van State.Inhoud wetsvoorstellenIn de Cyberbeveiligingswet wordt een Europese richtlijn omgezet die gaat over het verhogen van de cyberveiligheid. Dat komt omdat cyberrisico’s toenemen en de samenleving daartegen moet worden beschermd. De Cyberbeveiligingswet legt daarom vast dat bedrijven en overheidsorganisaties maatregelen moeten treffen om cyberrisico’s te voorkomen (zorgplicht). Daarnaast moeten zij een melding doen bij een gebeurtenis waardoor de cyberveiligheid wordt bedreigd (meldplicht).In de Wet weerbaarheid kritieke entiteiten wordt ook een Europese richtlijn omgezet in Nederlandse wetgeving. Deze richtlijn gaat over het verhogen van de fysieke weerbaarheid van bedrijven en overheidsorganisaties. Hierdoor worden essentiële diensten beschermd die belangrijk zijn voor maatschappelijke en economische functies. Ook deze wet legt verplichtingen op, die ongeveer gelijk zijn aan die in de Cyberbeveiligingswet. Ook op basis van deze wet is een vergelijkbare zorg- en meldplicht.CoördinatieDe voorstellen bevatten regels voor organisaties in meerdere sectoren. De minister die verantwoordelijk is voor het beleid in een sector wordt ook verantwoordelijk voor de veiligheid en weerbaarheid van die sector en mag daarover besluiten nemen. Tegelijk krijgt de minister van Justitie en Veiligheid in de wet een coördinerende rol. De Afdeling adviseert de regering ten eerste om in de toelichting bij het wetsvoorstel uit te leggen hoe de minister van Justitie en Veiligheid uitvoering geeft aan zijn coördineerde taak. Daarnaast adviseert zij om in de toelichting uit te leggen waarom de minister van Justitie en Veiligheid bij besluiten van andere ministers niet mee hoeft te ondertekenen, maar alleen geraadpleegd hoeft te worden.ToezichtVolgens de wetsvoorstellen kunnen ministers toezicht houden op de cyberveiligheid en weerbaarheid van bedrijven en overheidsorganisaties. Toezicht wordt niet alleen uitgevoerd door ministers, maar ook door zelfstandige bestuursorganen. Dat zijn organisaties met een overheidstaak die niet onder het gezag van een ministerie vallen. De Afdeling advisering concludeert dat deze taken kunnen overlappen met de bevoegdheden om toezicht te houden op cyberveiligheid en weerbaarheid van ministers. Een voorbeeld van zo’n zelfstandig bestuursorgaan is de Autoriteit Nucleaire Veiligheid en Stralingsbescherming. De Afdeling advisering adviseert de regering om te zorgen voor een duidelijke taakafbakening tussen ministers en de zelfstandige bestuursorganen.UitzonderingenNiet alle overheidsorganisaties hoeven te voldoen aan de regels uit de wetsvoorstellen. Er is namelijk in de wet een algemene uitzondering opgenomen voor overheidsorganisaties die taken uitvoeren op het gebied van nationale en openbare veiligheid, defensie of rechtshandhaving. De Afdeling adviseert de regering om deze uitzondering zoveel mogelijk te verduidelijken door in de wet te omschrijven welke organisaties niet aan de regels van de wet hoeven te voldoen.
·raadvanstate.nl·
Wet weerbaarheid kritieke entiteiten.
RTV Utrecht
RTV Utrecht
Honderden mensen liepen vanavond in Utrecht mee met een stille tocht om de oorlog in Oekraïne te herdenken. Het is maandag precies drie jaar geleden dat die oorlog begon. Oekraïners en Utrechters kwamen samen en deelden hun zorgen over de oorlog. "Van ons huis is niets meer over.".
·rtvutrecht.nl·
RTV Utrecht
NATO - Topic: Relations with Ukraine
NATO - Topic: Relations with Ukraine
The security of Ukraine is of great importance to NATO and its member states. The Alliance fully supports Ukraine’s inherent right to self-defence, and its right to choose its own security arrangements. Ukraine’s future is in NATO. Relations between NATO and Ukraine date back to the early 1990s and have since developed into one of the most substantial of NATO’s partnerships. Since 2014, in the wake of Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea, cooperation has been intensified in critical areas. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, NATO and Allies have provided unprecedented levels of support.
·nato.int·
NATO - Topic: Relations with Ukraine
America has turned on its friends
America has turned on its friends

Winston Churchill is credited with saying that America does the right thing after exhausting the alternatives. Donald Trump has turned that aphorism on its head. In the past 10 days, he has all but incinerated 80 years of postwar American leadership. Those who thought America was a friend or ally, notably Ukraine and Nato, are dropping once safe assumptions to cope with a world in which America is an unabashed predator. Countries that were treated by Washington as adversaries, notably Vladimir Putin’s Russia, are suddenly America’s friend.

There were hinge moments in history when the US displayed its character as global leader, such as Dwight Eisenhower’s repudiation of Anglo-French imperialism in the 1956 Suez crisis, or Ronald Reagan’s 1987 exhortation to the Soviet Union to tear down the Berlin Wall. They defined the world’s idea of America. Trump’s assertion this week that Ukraine “should have never started” the war is the dark version of those. His account of Russia being provoked to invade Ukraine came straight from Putin’s talking points. So too was JD Vance’s Valentine’s Day speech in Munich in which the US vice-president identified liberal democracy as Europe’s real threat from within.

These moments will live in infamy. What do they tell us about what is coming? First, there should be no doubt that Trump’s contempt for allies and admiration for strongmen is real and will endure. During his first term, Trump’s instincts were curbed by the more traditional Republicans around him. Trump 2.0 is the real article. It is entirely possible that figures like Marco Rubio, his secretary of state, or Mike Waltz, his national security adviser, still believe in the US-led alliance that each once championed. Their private thoughts are irrelevant. Each displayed fealty to Trump’s predatory vision of America at talks with Russian counterparts in Saudi Arabia this week. Ukraine, the subject of the negotiations, was not invited. Nor was Europe. If you are not at the table, you are on the menu.

Second, Trump is only getting started. His dismissal of Zelenskyy as “a dictator without elections” portends the disturbing outline of a peace settlement. Vance called Zelenskyy “disgraceful” for accusing Trump of living in a “disinformation bubble”. The idea that Ukraine has been under brutal assault and faces possible extinction is dismissed as liberal virtue signalling, like DEI or constitutional guardrails.

Trump is instinctively committed to the idea that the world is a jungle in which the big players take what they want. As such, it would be wrong to trivialise his repeated designs on Greenland, the Panama Canal, the Gaza Strip and even Canada. He divides the world into spheres of interest. There is a consistency to Trump’s sympathy with Putin’s claims on Russia’s backyard. There is also a symmetry in Trump’s reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine in which the US has domain over the western hemisphere.

Some have projected on to Trump a clever chess move in which he is luring Russia away from its “no limits” partnership with China in a reverse of what Richard Nixon did in the cold war. But that is wishful thinking. Any such manoeuvre would make sense only in concert with America’s allies. While promising to lift sanctions on Russia, Trump is readying for a new transatlantic trade war. After three generations of US leadership, it is always tempting to believe that Trump does not mean what he says. Perhaps this is a feint in some grand art of the deal. But allies and erstwhile friends must banish those self-soothing thoughts. With Trump, what you see is what you get. America has turned.

Winston Churchill is credited with saying that America does the right thing after exhausting the alternatives. Donald Trump has turned that aphorism on its head. In the past 10 days, he has all but incinerated 80 years of postwar American leadership. Those who thought America was a friend or ally, notably Ukraine and Nato, are dropping once safe assumptions to cope with a world in which America is an unabashed predator. Countries that were treated by Washington as adversaries, notably Vladimir Putin’s Russia, are suddenly America’s friend.There were hinge moments in history when the US displayed its character as global leader, such as Dwight Eisenhower’s repudiation of Anglo-French imperialism in the 1956 Suez crisis, or Ronald Reagan’s 1987 exhortation to the Soviet Union to tear down the Berlin Wall. They defined the world’s idea of America. Trump’s assertion this week that Ukraine “should have never started” the war is the dark version of those. His account of Russia being provoked to invade Ukraine came straight from Putin’s talking points. So too was JD Vance’s Valentine’s Day speech in Munich in which the US vice-president identified liberal democracy as Europe’s real threat from within.These moments will live in infamy. What do they tell us about what is coming? First, there should be no doubt that Trump’s contempt for allies and admiration for strongmen is real and will endure. During his first term, Trump’s instincts were curbed by the more traditional Republicans around him. Trump 2.0 is the real article. It is entirely possible that figures like Marco Rubio, his secretary of state, or Mike Waltz, his national security adviser, still believe in the US-led alliance that each once championed. Their private thoughts are irrelevant. Each displayed fealty to Trump’s predatory vision of America at talks with Russian counterparts in Saudi Arabia this week. Ukraine, the subject of the negotiations, was not invited. Nor was Europe. If you are not at the table, you are on the menu.Second, Trump is only getting started. His dismissal of Zelenskyy as “a dictator without elections” portends the disturbing outline of a peace settlement. Vance called Zelenskyy “disgraceful” for accusing Trump of living in a “disinformation bubble”. The idea that Ukraine has been under brutal assault and faces possible extinction is dismissed as liberal virtue signalling, like DEI or constitutional guardrails. Trump is instinctively committed to the idea that the world is a jungle in which the big players take what they want. As such, it would be wrong to trivialise his repeated designs on Greenland, the Panama Canal, the Gaza Strip and even Canada. He divides the world into spheres of interest. There is a consistency to Trump’s sympathy with Putin’s claims on Russia’s backyard. There is also a symmetry in Trump’s reassertion of the Monroe Doctrine in which the US has domain over the western hemisphere.  Some have projected on to Trump a clever chess move in which he is luring Russia away from its “no limits” partnership with China in a reverse of what Richard Nixon did in the cold war. But that is wishful thinking. Any such manoeuvre would make sense only in concert with America’s allies. While promising to lift sanctions on Russia, Trump is readying for a new transatlantic trade war. After three generations of US leadership, it is always tempting to believe that Trump does not mean what he says. Perhaps this is a feint in some grand art of the deal. But allies and erstwhile friends must banish those self-soothing thoughts. With Trump, what you see is what you get. America has turned.
·ft.com·
America has turned on its friends